The hitmen of the tyrannical Turkish state
The “leader of the century” was faced with the “earthquake of the century” and the “flood of the century” in the leadup to the 2023 elections.
Part of “destiny’s plan” for the state governed by the “leader of the century” for 22 years was for the aforementioned leader to hide away for at least 48 hours following the “earthquake of the century.”
The buildings they planted on riverbeds and earthquake fault lines without regulation became graves for the people of this country.
The Disaster and Emergency Management Authority’s (AFAD) search and rescue teams were nowhere to be seen for days. People died, crushed under concrete, screaming for days before succumbing to the cold.
The Red Crescent opted to sell tents to the highest bidder as opposed to distributing them to the disaster survivors.
The people who had turned a blind eye to their compatriots living in concrete graves as opposed to secure homes also proved incapable of establishing tent cities that would not be swept away by strong winds or deluged by flood waters in the “flood of the century.”
The people killed, injured, or left homeless by the “earthquake of the century” were then hit by “the flood of the century.”
It was not only their shoddy tent cities that were drowned in the “flood of the century.”
The bridges, roads, and interchanges — for which foundations were laid and grand openings were led by the “leader of the century” who had given out suspicious tenders for the construction of this infrastructure in a fashion akin to the gifts handed out to the palace court by Ottoman sultans upon their accession to the throne — all collapsed, were submerged in flood waters, and turned into death pools.
The “leader of the century” who was challenged by the “earthquake of the century” and the “flood of the century” was frightened by the possibility of losing “the election of the century” and went in pursuit of expanding the “coalition of the century” with medieval mentalities, misogynists, and hitmen with blood on their hands.
It is as if we are watching the 2020s version of the bloody play of the 1970s which led to the fascist September 12 coup.
Today, the “leader of the century’s” attempts to expand the “coalition of the century” resemble the establishment by the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), which was the state’s “crime apparatus” in the 1970s, of a homicide network in the face of “communist” organizations.
In those years, the MHP of the “commando camps,” which were established to raise the hitmen to be used when needed and to seize control over the streets, confronted all “revolutionary” organizations with a “nationalist” organization.
For example, the Confederation of Nationalist Trade Unions was established in opposition to the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions.
The Nationalist Teachers’ Union was established in opposition to the All-Teachers’ Unity and Solidarity Association.
The fascist Nationalist Police Union was established in opposition to the 1970s police foundation Pol-Der.
In the same years, the Association of Nationalist Youth with its violent gangs was formed to rival to the “revolutionary” Association of Progressive Youth.
The list goes on.
As the election approaches, Erdogan has employed the methods of the fascist movement of the 1970s, which is to find a party similar in some regard to a member of the opposition and to incorporate it in his People’s Alliance.
Of course, this strategy and tactic of the Palace government is limited to the resources at hand. For this reason, even if there is no exact equivalent, the Palace attempts to find one that sufficiently recalls an element in the opposition.
It seems that Erdogan views Ecevit's Democratic Left Party (DSP) as a viable dupe for the Republican People’s Party (CHP).
He wants to put Fatih Erbakan's New Welfare Party (YRP) up against the Felicity Party, which is the bearer of the former Erbakan's National Vision Movement ideology.
Today's faux Motherland Party (ANAP) was probably conceived of as the equivalent of Babacan's Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA) and Davutoglu’s Future Party.
The biggest component of the People's Alliance after the AKP stands against the Good Party.
In the People's Alliance, Destici's Great Unity Party (BBP) was obviously left over as some sort of "fascist surplus.”
The Patriotic Party of Perincek, the unofficial partner of the same alliance, has no known counterpart in the opposition, as it is hard to find an equivalent for such an absurdity.
However, one must admit that the most interesting addition to the People's Alliance in the leadup to the May 14 elections has been the Free Cause Party (HUDA PAR), the political organization of Hezbollah which had turned Kurdish provinces into bloodbaths in the 90s.
Obviously, Erdogan has positioned HUDA PAR as the dupe for his opponent the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) in order to say "Look, we are also in alliance with the Kurds" and to use the party as a force in the streets of Kurdish provinces when necessary.
The Free Cause Party and Hezbollah actually mean the same thing. They both mean "Party of Allah,” on in Arabic and the other in Persian.
THE LOCALS USED TO CALL IT THE “HIZBULCONTRA”
But do not read too much into the superficial criticisms of “They want independence and a federation for the Kurds. They want Kurdish to be recognized as an official language. They want to ban saying ‘How happy is the one who can say I am a Turk’” regarding Erdogan’s cooperation with HUDA PAR coming from people opposed to Erdogan.
Those demands are a “PowerPoint presentation replete with a vision and a mission and all,” prepared by political Islamists hand in hand with deep state entities wanting to shackle the national consciousness of the Kurds.
The truth of the matter is hidden in the hundreds of assassinations they committed in Kurdish provinces, especially during the 10-year period in the 90s.
Trained by the police and collaborating with Gendarmerie Intelligence and Anti-Terror Unit (JITEM), the illegal organization of the gendarmerie, Hezbollah's targets were patriotic journalists, Kurdish intellectuals, and public opinion leaders of the Kurdish Freedom Movement.
They would leave their marks with "a single bullet in the back of the neck" or "a cleaver to the head” in places that the state's police, its courts, or its prison could not officially reach.
While Hezbollah was committing the murders that turned the region into a bloodbath, its biggest supporters were of course the state’s police and its soldiers. If they were insufficient, the state would support these bloody murderers using its prosecutors and judges.
The butt end of the long-barreled guns belonging to the soldiers, the police, and especially the Special Operations Forces, all of whom Ankara packed the region with during the State of Emergency in the 90s, the grip of the pistols lining their waists, the tattoos on their arms, and the slogans they wrote on the walls were all decorated with the three crescents of the MHP.
The military and police forces of the state which used the three crescents of the MHP wherever they could, would also train the Hezbollah militants with blood on their hands in places belonging to the state before unleashing them on the streets.
In fact, Halit Gungen, the Diyarbakir correspondent of the magazine Towards 2000 which was at the time owned by Vatan Party Chairman Dogu Perincek, who does not hide his open support for the People's Alliance, wrote in 1992 that Hezbollah militants were trained in Diyarbakır Riot Center. Gungen was killed two days later in the Diyarbakir Bureau of the magazine.
What is interesting is that Perincek's Vatan Party and Hezbollah's political party HUDA PAR have come together today with the People's Alliance.
Since these militants were under the "chain of command" of the state, the people of the region had called the Hezbollah militants "hizbulcontra.”
The hizbulcontras would shoot a single bullet in the neck of the chosen target in the middle of the street before hopping into a white Toros with a fake license plate, driven by the state police dressed in plainclothes or by a JITEM officer, and would walk free.
Those who look at HUDA PAR's purported demands for the Kurds wonder, "Where is this Devlet Bahceli? How can the MHP accept such an alliance?"
Yet, there is nothing to be surprised about.
The inclusion of both the MHP and HUDA PAR in the People’s Alliance is simply the meeting of the three-crescent security forces in the 1990s and Hezbollah, the murderer of the patriotic Kurds, in a different dimension in today's conditions.
Presumably, this was the “alliance of the century” formed by the “leader of the century” who passed the tests of the “earthquake of the century” and “flood of the century” since the three crescents of the MHP and the Hezbollah of HUDA PAR were the hitmen of the same tyrannical state.
*Celal Baslangic: He was born in 1956 in Istanbul. He began a career in journalism at Ekspres in 1975. He graduated from Ege University, School of Journalism and Public Relations in 1978. He worked as a reporter, intelligence chief, regional representative, policy service chief, and editor-in-chief at the newspapers Demokrat İzmir and Politics and Cumhuriyet. In 1995, he was appointed as the Founding Editor-in-Chief of Evrensel Newspaper. He conducted the "Time, Space and Human" interviews at Radikal for more than 10 years. He became the Founding Editor-in-Chief of Beyoglu Newspaper in 2002. In 2011, he was a Member of the Founding Broadcasting Board of IMC TV. He worked as a columnist for T24, Haberdar, and Gazete Duvar news sites. In 2017, he became the Founding Editor-in-Chief of Arti TV and Arti Gercek.